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UK Boots on the Ground in Ukraine? British MP Iain Duncan Smith on Russia’s War and Europe’s Next Move
The UK is ramping up military aid to Ukraine, but could British troops follow? As the West debates its role in the war, British MP Sir Iain Duncan Smith discusses Ukraine’s NATO path, Putin’s threats, and why half-measures won’t stop Russia.
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In February UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced plans to send British troops to Ukraine and raise defense spending in response to the Russian war in Ukraine. Meanwhile, a recently “agreed” mineral deal between Ukraine and the US raises questions about security guarantees for Ukraine’s future.
UNITED24 Media sits down with Sir Iain Duncan Smith, former leader of Britain’s Conservative Party and cabinet member under David Cameron and William Hague, to discuss the latest.
For Ukraine, which comes first—NATO or the EU?
It has to be NATO. But the EU is important in Ukraine’s future development.
Yes or no. Peace through strength?
Always. And you cannot have peace without justice. A peace without justice is an unstable peace that will end quickly. That’s what I say to any legislator: Don’t just ask for peace; ask for peace with justice.
In the early days of the war, President Zelenskyy appealed to European governments through Zoom and Skype. Were you involved in those addresses?
Yes. He gave the first-ever online address to the British Parliament, which had never allowed such a thing before. It was historic in multiple ways: it was packed, and, unusually, MPs applauded at the end—something that isn’t done in the House of Commons.
Even now, three years into this war, thousands have been killed because of the ambitions of one man in Russia. But the West struggles to remember the urgency of those early days. The cost-of-living crisis has made some people question continued support. However, in the UK, political parties remain united—there’s not a paper’s width between them on this issue. Successive governments have and will continue supporting Ukraine.
That said, we could have done more, and faster. European countries wrongly assumed there would never be another war in Europe—Merkel’s energy policies, like dependence on Russian gas, were disastrous. Some smaller countries, like Denmark, have been bolder in their support, while larger nations like Germany have been slower.
Europe must do the lion’s share of the heavy lifting because America, understandably, has other global priorities. But Ukraine ultimately needs the military capacity that only the US can provide.
What does it take to get policies supporting Ukraine passed? What’s happening in the back corridors of Parliament?
Stability and courage, both of which can be in short supply in politics.
One of the biggest mistakes was President Biden not allowing Ukraine to use the ATACMS missiles outside its own borders. That’s like sending a boxer into the ring with one arm tied behind their back. Ukraine needed to target Russian supply depots behind enemy lines, but the West restricted them. Russia, meanwhile, had no such limitations, which allowed them to maintain an advantage.
What about peace talks? Zelenskyy recently mentioned needing 200,000 European peacekeepers.
Sometimes, we put the cart before the horse. The key question is: What kind of peace are we talking about? Peace without justice is a short-lived peace.
Look at history: In 2014, Merkel and Macron pressured Ukraine into accepting the loss of Crimea. That was a disaster because it taught Putin that the West lacked resolve. Weak settlements invite further aggression.
What about Putin’s nuclear threats? Are they real?
I’ve never thought they were serious. The consequences would be so catastrophic that it’s not in Russia’s interest.
Yes, they make threats, even mentioning London as a target. But in a democracy, persuading people to take tough actions, even in the face of military threats, is difficult. That’s why the West hesitates.
What would it take to get UK boots on the ground in Ukraine?
I don’t think that will happen. Peacekeeping, perhaps, but direct involvement is unlikely. The key is ensuring any peace agreement is durable and just. I don’t see any indication that Putin wants real peace—he still thinks he can take over Ukraine.
What about the growing alliance between Russia, Iran, and North Korea?
I call it the new axis of totalitarian states—Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea. Nothing they do is haphazard; it’s coordinated. Look at what’s going on in the Middle East—it conveniently shifted US attention away from Ukraine. Iran, through its proxies, played a role in that. It worked.
In strategic terms, the real power you have to look at is China. And China calls the shots. You can see the strings that travel from Beijing outwards. And my point is to look at it like that and then ask yourself the question, what if Ukraine goes down? What happens next? Taiwan is next, and they will be emboldened by our failure to defend any kind of democracy, any kind of rational country that wishes to be a member of the free world. We abandon them when we don’t do enough. And that is like repeating history in the 1930s.
How can Republicans in the US be convinced to support Ukraine?
Many Republicans argue that Ukraine is Europe’s problem. Europe has stepped up financially, but the strategic picture is bigger.
The right way to see this is not as an isolated war but as part of a global struggle against authoritarianism. If Ukraine falls, it won’t stop there—China will take the lesson and move on to Taiwan. That’s the real danger.
You’re involved with Magnitsky sanctions. How effective are they?
Very. Bill Browder championed them after his lawyer, Sergei Magnitsky, was killed in Russian custody. The idea is to target individuals, not just broad sanctions. Oligarchs and corrupt officials love Western luxuries—when they’re personally sanctioned, it hurts. It also creates pressure within their regimes. But we still don’t do enough of it.
There are many more individuals who should be sanctioned, but I won’t name names here. We need to do more to crack down on those evading sanctions and holding power in authoritarian regimes.
The first time you came to Ukraine, we went on a very interesting trip. You traveled in [an armored vehicle to] about 2.5 km from the Russian border in early December of 2022. I don’t think many members of parliament were coming 2.5 km from the Russian border at that time. Did you get any flak for that? And why are you in Ukraine now?
[My current trip is] to understand where Ukraine stands, what it needs, and to take that back to Parliament. I’ve brought members from different parties to remind our government that this war affects all of us.
I have to tell you, [my first trip] had a really big effect on me. The devastation [Russia] wrought and left behind. I was told that the bodies were littered all over the places that we had been to. They’d been cleared up by then, but the places were still worryingly mined. These are not wealthy towns, by the way, compared to the West. These are very poor villages. But when the Russians ransacked them, many of them were eastern Russian troops, and these were wealthy villagers for them. They took all sorts of stuff out, which was terrible, really so appalling. [In seeing that] I was able to say, look, we need to understand better what happened.
It’s not a war via television. It’s a war when you get on the ground and you see the devastation. You have to be affected by it. You have to say, we’ve got to stop this. War is bad and terrible at the best of times. Anybody who’s ever served knows that war is the last thing you ever wish on anybody because those who are innocents get killed, possibly more than those who are combatants. Walking around there was really a moment for me when I saw the way they left those towns and villages and realized that actually Russia was behaving in a bestial manner.
You have a reputation for being quite hawkish. Do you see yourself that way?
In politics, you take a stand. I’ve opposed my own government at times. You get some things right, and some things wrong. But the goal is always to improve things.
What would you say to the Ukrainian people?
Hang on. Keep hope. The free world must recognize that this war is not just about Ukraine—it’s about the future of democracy. If Ukraine falls, the consequences will be felt far beyond its borders. The UK, the US, and others need to stay strong. This is about more than just one war—it’s about defending the principles of the free world.
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-2b8825c4d9fed18fa9f8982150e3cceb.jpeg "Zhenia Melnyk")